Stability and progress are impossible without a change in political culture

Jamaluddin Bari

Bangladesh’s democratic system has partly returned through the thirteenth national election. The result of this election was expected and natural. This means the election reflected public opinion properly. The BNP and Jamaat suffered under the extreme fascist and bad rule of the Awami League. The BNP has now formed the government, and Jamaat has won the opposition seats in parliament.

In parliamentary democracy, the opposition is also an important part of the government. Over the last fifty years, the BNP formed governments in alliance at different times and ran the state. But Jamaat has been able to sit in the opposition seats for the first time this time. Still, in the eighth national parliament election, Jamaat was also a partner of the government as a member of the BNP alliance.

After that, for 17 years, the leaders and workers of this partner party were beaten down by oppression, torture, enforced disappearance, killing, judicial killing and media trial. The state took away their organisational work, their freedom of speech and their freedom of expression. It even took away the minimum safety to live with normal human rights. Three days before the fall of Ms. Sheikh Hasina’s fascist rule in August 2024, her government banned Jamaat. That decision of the autocratic ruler added fuel to the student movement.

Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat, had already played a role as a catalyst in the movement. After the ban on Jamaat, they decided, without any announcement, to jump into the movement in desperation. On the other side, Mr. Tarique Rahman, the acting chairman of the BNP, gave leadership and directions from London for the movement’s programmes, one after another. But some top leaders of the party inside the country played a confused and compromising role. Because of this, the workers of the party also failed to take an organised and planned role.

Still, there is no doubt that BNP leaders and workers, and those of its associate organisations, were among the main partners in the July movement across the country. They are the workers of the political party with the largest public support in the country. A meeting was called by Army Chief Mr. Waker Uz Zaman on 3 August 2024. In that meeting, the mid level and lower level field officers of the army decided not to take an anti people position. Because of this decision, it became possible to create a bloody human wall and a wave of people against police brutality, and to bring the uprising of 5 August.

Such events have happened again and again in this country. These include August 15 and November 7 in 1975, the victory of the people in the anti Ershad movement on December 6 in 1990, and the fall of Ms. Sheikh Hasina on 5 August 2024. The new journey of democracy in Bangladesh is part of the continuous growth of unity between soldiers and people in the democratic movement. The Bangladesh Army is not only the sleepless guard of the country’s security. It is also one of the partners in the democratic transition of Bangladesh.

The BNP and Jamaat did not take direct part or lead in the July and August uprising. Even so, in the political reality after the uprising, these two parties became the main force to draw up the outline of the political reforms and the building of the future Bangladesh. But these big political parties fought a psychological fight to take the fruit of the uprising for themselves. Instead of helping the interim government do its duty, their mutual distance and difference of opinion pushed the hope for the expected change into a big risk.

Important issues like a referendum, constitutional reform and the July Charter do not usually come into the political culture of Bangladesh. This time, in a different political reality, these issues became the main subject of vote politics. At first, the BNP and Jamaat had differences and lacked clarity on the referendum. But in the end, a direct announcement by Mr. Tarique Rahman built a kind of national agreement for a “Yes” vote in the referendum. The result of the referendum showed this. However, confusion among BNP workers and the influence of supporters of the fallen Awami League led to about 31 percent “No” votes against 68 percent “Yes” votes in the referendum.

Bangladesh held two referendums before this. In 1977, President Mr. Ziaur Rahman held one to test trust and public opinion for his 19 point reform and political proposals. In 1985, Mr. Hussain Muhammad Ershad held one to continue his military rule and to win public support for an 18 point policy that followed Mr. Zia’s example. The “Yes” vote for Mr. Zia’s 19 points was 98.9 percent. The “Yes” vote for Mr. Ershad’s military rule and 18 points was 94.47 percent. One can call Mr. Ershad’s referendum pre decided, like the night vote of Ms. Hasina. Party cadres stamped ballots, stuffed the boxes, counted them and published the result. But people believe the referendum of Mr. Ziaur Rahman really reflected the free support and participation of the people.

In that case, one can count the result of the referendum held with the national election of 2026 as a reflection of a new and participatory Bangladesh. The new Bangladesh, which grew out of the July uprising, began its second stage of the new journey from here. But there is a challenge of polarisation in the old political style when it comes to carrying out the referendum and the July Charter. It is not easy or natural to take on the mindset to overcome that challenge. The Awami League, India and their beneficiaries and helpers will not want Bangladesh to grow along a democratic path. But the July uprising has shown us the way to move ahead, ignoring the bloody eye of Indian domination. The people of this country no longer want to stay locked inside the limits of the single circle of any political force. The main hope of the reforms proposed in the light of the July Charter and the referendum is to end discrimination and to set up a political balance at the centre of power.

The democracy loving people of Bangladesh want freedom from the criminalised political circle. That is why they won the victory in July and August 2024 through bloody resistance on the streets, at the cost of the blood of a thousand lives. This is not the result of a sudden political clash. It was the path of self awakening of the freedom loving and democracy loving people of the country. They rose against the political and cultural narrative of Indian domination, which ran for the 16 years of Ms. Sheikh Hasina and for 54 years in all.

The war of liberation in 1971, the revolution of August and November in 1975, and the anti autocracy uprising of December in 1990 all failed in practice. As days passed, the failure to build the unity of the people to reach the goals of these movements became more painful and far reaching. If the uprising of July and August 2024 had failed, one can easily guess where the fate of the BNP, Jamaat and other political parties that want change and democracy would have stood. One can guess where the future of the country would have stood too. The events of revolution and uprising are visible. But the faces and voices behind the seeds of disunity and division among the political forces and the people stay invisible, unclear and unmarked.

In the reality of Bangladesh, the forces against democracy and political and economic stability are the main enemy of the country. No single political party or group can set up this plot from inside itself. The fallen and banned Awami League looks inactive and exiled from outside. But anyone, from any political party or non political forum, can take up its narrative. They can then run activities against the stability, reform and security of Bangladesh through misleading projects.

Mr. Sheikh family members and the top leaders of the Awami League did not learn from history. They did not choose self purification. They stayed inside the old circle of revenge and hatred, put the sword of bad rule on the people, and brought their own terrible end. In the same way, the revolutionary, democracy loving and anti discrimination political forces have forgotten again and again the memory of their own destructive end. They have been forced to accept captivity in the chains of new social and political crises. In the picture of the present social and political reality in Bangladesh, that sad truth of history is repeating itself.

There was a continuous movement of the BNP and Jamaat against 17 years of no democracy and fascist rule. Top leaders faced judicial killing, enforced disappearance, killing and the bad rule of oppression. After the bloody revolution against all this, a democratic government came into place through a democratic election. In only 8 months of this government’s rule, the top leadership set some bright and positive examples. But from the look of things, party blind people with an old arrangement, hiding inside the party, have become desperate to create a new line of political terror and criminalisation.

Across the country, teenage gangs, land grabbers, extortionists and attackers seem to want to drag the image of the ruling party to the ground. In the capital’s Mirpur, there was an attack, a break in and an attempt to grab land at the Radda Healthcare Centre. Because of this incident, Ms. Ferdousi Chowdhury Mishti, a member of parliament on a reserved women’s seat of the ruling party, lost her membership of parliament. A woman member of parliament in the capital city losing her seat on charges of terror and land grabbing within only 6 months is part of the new political reality of Bangladesh.

But in a balanced political state, a member of parliament would not become so reckless. Behind it lies the mindset of past political criminalisation and no justice. Prime Minister Mr. Tarique Rahman has given a message to the leaders and workers of his party. If BNP leaders and workers do not understand it and control themselves, there is a fear that the nation will again be locked in the chain of the plots of dominating forces.

The inspiration that comes from the historic events of the July uprising, and the national unity that began in favour of the July Charter, are the main support to reach all political and economic goals. The enemies of Bangladesh first want to break the platform of national unity that the July uprising created. One class of BNP leaders and workers is trying to take the party back to the old chain of Awami League terror and criminalisation. At the same time, their main target seems to be the July fighters and the partners of the old political alliance. Jamaat leaders are speaking about helping the BNP stay in power.

In the regional and global geopolitical and economic reality, democratic stability in Bangladesh is a very important matter. Suppose the country keeps democratic rule stable and continues economic activity for at least 10 years. Then by the end of the next decade, no regional power will even dare to dream of setting up domination over Bangladesh. National unity is the main shield for the prosperity, independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh. The dignity and honour of the martyrs of every democratic movement, including the war of liberation, can stay whole only if the country builds a cultural narrative in the light of Bangladeshi nationalism and Islamic values and builds a society free of corruption and discrimination.

The government has a zero tolerance policy against drugs, teenage gangs, land grabbing, extortion and mob terror. But the government cannot reach any of its goals without the support, help and coordination of law enforcement agencies, the government administration, the workers of the ruling party and the opposition. Nations across the world want to secure a good place in the competitive world through education, talent, technology, research and economic investment. Meanwhile, we are allowing unchecked brain drain and money laundering, discrimination in education and party political terror on campuses. We are also pushing the young generation toward drugs and gang culture.

Prime Minister Mr. Tarique Rahman must set an example in building social and national unity against the culture of no justice and against social and economic discrimination and insecurity. The old political style and the huge crowd of leaders and workers did not become any effective force against fascism. Former Prime Minister Ms. Khaleda Zia felt the need for the ideological nationalist politics that President Mr. Zia started, as opposed to a political culture made only of slogans. Along with running the state, Prime Minister Mr. Tarique Rahman must pay attention to building the party. The party does not need clubmen. It needs talented leadership, politics based on skilled and disciplined people, and a civil society.

The country must rebuild every level of the education system, from primary school to university, through Bangladeshi nationalist politics, Islamic values, knowledge, wisdom and talent. The government must take visible steps to free every level, from law enforcement agencies to local government, from talentless party loyal criminals, extortionists and land grabbers. Political and economic stability and security can be ensured only by taking the opposition into confidence and moving the nation ahead together.