The characters have changed, so must the script
Rintu Anwar
Following the bloody July-August mass uprising of 2024, the selfless sacrifices of students and the people, and the fall of a suffocating 15-year authoritarian regime, Bangladesh had dreamed of a new dawn. Riding on that dream, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has taken on the enormous responsibility of running the state after nearly two decades. The government, formed under the leadership of Prime Minister Mr. Tarique Rahman, has completed 180 days, or six months. In the meantime, Mr. Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, the BNP-nominated candidate, was elected the country’s 23rd president by votes cast by members of parliament. For the first time in its nearly three-and-a-half-decade history, parliament and the people witnessed a contested presidential election.
Six months may not be a very long time to repair a war-ravaged or looted state structure. But 180 days is enough to understand, at least initially, which direction a new government wants to take, how people-oriented its political philosophy is, and whether it has actually been able to shed the shell of the old political culture. If we objectively analyse the political, social and economic landscape of the past six months, a clear note of disappointment can be heard in the minds of ordinary people. There is only one question on everyone’s mind: Has there really been any qualitative change in politics? Or have only the actors or characters on the stage changed, while the old script of dominance, control and intolerance is being performed anew?
During the previous government’s 15-year rule, we saw how political dissent was brutally suppressed. The biggest weapon was “tagging” or labelling. Anyone who mildly criticised the government could be casually labelled a “Razakar”, “militant” or “anti-development”. From the highest levels of the state machinery to petty local leaders in neighbourhoods, everyone spoke the same language. It was hoped that this intolerant language would disappear in post-uprising Bangladesh. But what do we see in reality?
The words may have changed, but the intensity of attacks and the mentality behind them have not. Anyone who disagrees with another person’s opinion is now being labelled in various ways. Social media shows the emergence of a new reign of extreme intolerance. Instead of reason, personal attacks, abuse and character assassination appear to have become the main tools of politics. Although power has changed hands, the minimum courtesy of respecting political opponents is still nowhere to be seen.
The biggest engine of the July mass uprising was the country’s ordinary students. They took to the streets dreaming of a society without discrimination, where there would be no terror from partisan student organisations on campuses. In recent years, the monopoly control of residential halls by the Bangladesh Chhatra League, guest-room torture and the practice of forcibly taking students to processions had made life miserable for ordinary students.
There is no Chhatra League on campuses now. But has the culture of occupying hall seats and establishing dominance ended? Not at all. Chhatra Dal and Chhatra Shibir are now desperate to fill the vacuum. Clashes, chases and counter-chases and fights have already taken place at various educational institutions across the country, including Dhaka University, Begum Rokeya University and Dhaka Alia Madrasa, over control of residential halls. Ordinary students are watching in fear as one group of occupiers leaves and another group arrives to take control of the halls. The characters have changed, but the script of muscle power remains the same.
The severe gas and electricity shortages have added to the problem. People are suffering from hours-long load-shedding in the middle of the night. Industrial activity is being disrupted and factories are struggling to maintain production. Meanwhile, many people have received abnormally high “ghost” electricity bills. The government says these are the result of global circumstances, faults at LNG terminals or problems inherited from the previous government. These explanations may not be entirely untrue, but ordinary people heard the same excuses during the previous government as well. So where is the “magic” of the new government? People want solutions, not excuses.
The main foundation of any democratic state is the rule of law. But there has been no visible improvement in the country’s law-and-order situation over the past six months. At the same time, the administration is undergoing extensive reshuffling. “Beneficiaries” of the previous government are being removed and new people are being appointed. Many have been sent into compulsory retirement, while others have been made Officers on Special Duty (OSD).
In foreign policy, the government has achieved some visible successes. Bangladesh’s election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly, the Prime Minister’s visits to China and Malaysia—these are being viewed positively by analysts. However, tensions with India have increased. The formal request to return the former prime minister, who was ousted in the mass uprising and accused of crimes against humanity, is commendable. But in geopolitical reality, how sustainably Bangladesh can pursue an independent and dignified foreign policy while maintaining a balance among India, China and the Western world remains a major question mark.
Of course, there is another side to the picture. The claims made by the government’s spokespersons or relevant ministers and advisers cannot simply be dismissed. They say the government has shown the highest level of sincerity during these six months. Waiving agricultural loans of up to Tk 10,000 for farmers, introducing family cards and farmer cards, and taking initiatives for expatriate Bangladeshis are undoubtedly people-oriented measures. Allocating thousands of crores of taka to clear outstanding payments owed to retired teachers, curbing VIP culture, introducing timely changes to the curriculum, and programmes such as canal excavation and tree planting deserve appreciation. The absence of labour unrest during Eid was also a major relief.
Most importantly, Prime Minister Mr. Tarique Rahman’s own efforts to avoid VIP protocol and stand among ordinary people as head of government send a positive message about political culture. The government has also ensured maximum freedom of expression for citizens, which is another positive development.
Despite these positive initiatives, the question remains: Are these actually structural reforms of the state, or merely good administrative management? The mass uprising of 2024 did not take place merely to bring down a government; it took place to establish a new, discrimination-free political settlement. Progress on deep and structural reforms—such as ensuring full independence of the judiciary, reforming the police and making constitutional institutions such as the Anti-Corruption Commission independent—has been extremely slow. The lack of consensus among political parties over issues such as the referendum verdict and the July Charter could create a political crisis in the future.
In conclusion, it must be said that it is impossible to build an ideal state overnight from the ruins of a 16-year-old fascist structure. People have faith in this government when it comes to running the country, but they also have anger and grievances. That is because people want to see change—not merely hear words, but see action.
If the new government thinks it can run the country through muscle power, partisan politics and labelling opponents just like the previous government, it is living in a fool’s paradise. The people of this country are now far more conscious. They have learned to shed blood; they have learned to demand their rights. Political parties must understand that simply replacing old people with new ones within the old system will not, by any means, create the desired “new Bangladesh”. Along with changing the characters, the script must change this time as well.
The writer is a journalist and columnist.
